A storm is brewing in Uganda’s financial underworld and it is threatening to swallow some of the biggest names in telecom-linked distribution and fast-moving consumer goods, after a whistleblower detonated a bombshell petition dragging global hygiene giant Reckitt Benckiser Arabia FZE, Kampala-based distribution powerhouse Glorre International Limited and Rabriel Investments Limited into the spotlight of Uganda’s anti-money laundering watchdog.
The petition, now sitting on the desk of the Executive Director of the Financial Intelligence Authority, has ignited a firestorm of allegations pointing to suspicious financial flows, offshore payment routes and potential breaches of Uganda’s Anti-Money Laundering Act, 2013.
At the heart of the scandal are explosive claims that between September and December 2023, Reckitt Benckiser Arabia FZE issued invoices for a range of its globally recognised hygiene and household products including Dettol soap and liquid, Mortein Doom, Jik and Harpic to two Ugandan companies — Glorre International Limited and Rabriel Investments Limited. These are not small-time players. These are firms deeply embedded in Uganda’s distribution ecosystem, moving everything from soap to telecom services across the country.
But what has raised eyebrows — and triggered alarm bells — is not the trade itself, but how the money allegedly moved.
The petition seen by Red Pepper is dated 20 December 2025 and addressed to Samuel Wandera, the Executive Director Financial Intelligence Authority Kampala under the title: “Request for Investigation into Alleged Anti–Money Laundering Practices by Reckitt Benckiser Arabia FZE, Glorre International Limited, and Rabriel Investments Limited.”
According to the whistleblower, who identifies as a concerned taxpayer, Reckitt Benckiser Arabia FZE reportedly instructed that partial payments for these invoices be routed through bank accounts in Mauritius, held by Glorre International Limited and Rabriel Investments Limited, despite both companies being registered and operating in Uganda. This offshore detour, if proven, could signal classic red flags in money laundering typologies — the use of third jurisdictions to obscure financial trails.
The goods were later shipped into Uganda between November 2023 and March 2024 and delivered to the two companies, completing a transaction chain that now sits under the microscope of financial intelligence scrutiny.
The petitioner is now demanding a full-scale audit and forensic investigation, urging authorities to determine whether these transactions breached Uganda’s anti-money laundering framework or were part of a more complex financial engineering scheme designed to conceal the origin, movement or destination of funds.
And the names involved are anything but ordinary.
Rabriel Investments Limited, founded by businessman Abraham Ssali, is a major importer and distributor dealing in goods from South Korea, Indonesia, Kenya, UAE and China. It operates prominently in Kampala, particularly Kawempe and Wandegeya, and doubles as a franchise partner for Airtel Uganda, placing it right at the intersection of telecom and financial services through mobile money networks.
On the other side is Glorre International Limited, operating under the powerful Keshwala Group, a business empire with roots stretching back to the 1950s. The group, founded by the late Viram Giga Keshwala, has grown from a humble textile outlet in Jinja into a sprawling conglomerate dealing in logistics, manufacturing and distribution across East Africa.
Today, under the leadership of Ranmal Viram Keshwala, alongside Sagar Keshwala, Nagaarjun Modhwadia and Bhima Khunti, the group commands a vast distribution network supplying products for brands ranging from Airtel and Bidco to Kakira Sugar, Kenafric Industries, Kenafric Manufacturing, Krystaline Salt, Nile Breweries, Pepsi, Varta, Weetabix, 3M, Habari salt, Kaysalt and Movit.
Their influence in Uganda’s mobile money ecosystem, particularly through Airtel-linked franchise operations, is said to be significant, with deep reach into rural and urban markets alike.
And now, all that power and reach is being dragged into a murky financial probe.
FIA has been contacted for a comment.
The whistleblower’s petition lands at a time when the Financial Intelligence Authority itself is battling a credibility crisis that has left observers questioning whether it has the muscle, focus and internal cohesion to handle a case of this magnitude.
A damning audit by the Auditor General in December 2025 ripped through the institution, exposing glaring weaknesses in its operations. Under the leadership of Executive Director Samuel Were Wandera, the agency has been accused of failing to fully analyse over 1,000 suspicious transaction reports, while thousands more were left in limbo pending further information.
The report painted a troubling picture of an institution struggling to keep up with the very financial crimes it was established to fight. It revealed low reporting compliance across key sectors, weak enforcement mechanisms, and a shocking failure by many accountable entities to submit suspicious transaction reports at all.
Even when intelligence was generated and passed on to law enforcement agencies, the system appeared to stall. Nearly 79% of money laundering investigations initiated by selected agencies were delayed, bogged down by poor coordination, slow feedback loops and, in some cases, intelligence that pointed to the wrong suspects.
This raises a chilling question: if the watchdog is struggling to bark, who is guarding Uganda’s financial system?
Money laundering is not a victimless crime. It distorts economies, fuels corruption, enables organized crime and erodes trust in financial institutions. And Uganda knows this pain all too well, having previously faced the embarrassment of being grey-listed over weaknesses in its anti-money laundering regime.
The audit further revealed that despite receiving its full budget allocation of UGX 33.7 billion, the FIA underperformed in key strategic objectives, achieved only a fraction of its non-tax revenue targets, and faced procurement inefficiencies that pointed to deeper systemic issues.
Yet even as these cracks widen, the institution is embroiled in internal battles of its own.
A controversial recruitment drive launched in July last year has triggered whispers of favoritism, internal purges and manipulation of qualification requirements to edge out long-serving staff. Allegations suggest that academic thresholds were suddenly raised, sidelining experienced officers in favour of new entrants, some of whom are rumored to have powerful backers.
Behind closed doors, a silent war for succession is already underway. With Wandera’s term nearing its end, insiders point to growing lobbying efforts from figures such as Lameka Mukasa, Lazarus Mukasa, David Ngobi and Maureen Mwalabu, all reportedly eyeing the top job.
Even the FIA board chaired by Alinaffe Kalule is said to be divided on Wandera’s fate, while powerful voices within the Ministry of Finance are allegedly pushing for an outsider to take over the reins.
It is against this backdrop of internal chaos, external scrutiny and rising public anxiety that the explosive petition against Reckitt, Glorre and Rabriel now lands.
Ugandans are watching closely. The stakes are enormous.
If the allegations hold water, this could expose a sophisticated web of financial flows cutting across continents, linking Dubai, Mauritius and Kampala in a chain that raises uncomfortable questions about how money moves in the shadows of legitimate trade.
If they collapse, it could further dent the credibility of whistleblower mechanisms and strain relations with major corporate players.
Either way, the pressure is now squarely on the Financial Intelligence Authority to rise to the occasion, cut through the noise and deliver answers.
Because in a country still trying to shake off the ghost of financial grey-listing, the last thing Uganda can afford is for dirty money to find a clean home.
